Location of Lubuk Larangan in Nanga Danau Village – Kapuas Hulu Regency
Then, in 2600-2350 BC in the Sumeria region, there was a prolonged conflict involving two city-states: Lagash and Umma. The motive behind the conflict that lasted hundreds of years was the struggle for water from the Tigris River. Too little rainfall made the two neighboring city-states very dependent on the Tigris River to irrigate their agricultural land. When the King of Lagash destroyed the canal on the border and diverted it to his territory, this action caused Umma to lose access to clean water. That was the cause of the military conflict between the two city-states, which turned into a prolonged war, and was recorded as the first war in history about the struggle for a water source.
Water has become an essential need for human life. Throughout history, human civilizations have often been built close to rivers, such as the Mesopotamian Civilization and the Yangtze River Civilization. In some cases, water has also been used as a weapon in war, for example in 225 BC the Qin Dynasty troops diverted the flow of the Yellow River to flood the Daliang region and killed 100 thousand people. A contemporary case, India restricts the supply of the Indus River to Pakistan in response to an attack in Kashmir. These examples are just some of the stories of confrontation in the struggle for access to water in the world. These tensions will increase as climate change and human population growth trigger competition. A study in the Journal Nature Climate Change in May 2024 from Utrecht University estimated that 56-66% of the global population will face clean water scarcity for at least one month per year by the end of this century, with the worst affected being in developing countries. For women in third world countries, water shortages mean having to walk further to find water sources. For farm workers, the situation further strangles the needs of their families; the seeds that have been planted end up in crop failure and impoverish them further. For babies in poor families, it means dehydration and death.
In Water Wars: Privatization, Pollution and Profit, Vandana Shiva wrote that the right to water is a natural right. The right to water as a natural right does not originate from the state, but rather develops from the ecological context of human existence, from human nature, historical conditions, basic needs, and the idea of justice. As a natural right, the right to water is limited to the right to use. Water may be used but not owned. In many Indigenous Communities, there is a prohibition on controlling water sources, such as rivers, lakes, waterfalls, by private ownership. This is different from the system in modern countries that allow the privatization of water to gain profit from business activities. From a market perspective, water is seen as a commodity that can be traded.
Shiva also shows evidence of equitable and sustainable management by communities. Community self-management places water as a common good because water is a basic need for all life and because of the sustainable nature of water, equitable allocation depends on cooperation between communities. Although Shiva has shown community self-management of water as a common property until now, on the other hand, privatization of water resources is also finding a revival momentum. Shiva raises John Locke's theory as evidence of the growing recognition of individual rights to nature in the 17th century. In Second Treatise of Government, Locke argued that individuals have natural rights as property rooted in the concepts of private ownership and labor. Thus the theory justifies private property rights within the framework of natural law, which includes ownership of land, forests, and rivers. Of course, the existence of theories and practices that emphasize private property rights further erode collective rights and damage nature.
Shiva further shows that in conditions of scarcity, sustainable water management systems develop from the idea of water as a common good passed down from generation to generation. In such systems, each individual in the community has a major investment in the form of labor for conservation and community development. More importantly, even in the absence of capital, the community has a collective belief that they are here not only to use water but also to protect and preserve the water source.
Because it has proven to be sustainable and fair in the distribution process, Shiva encourages the implementation of the concept of water democratization in the form of community self-management. For him, community self-management of water resources actually experiences a decline when control is taken over by the state. Community ownership is increasingly eroded when sophisticated equipment is brought in for large-scale projects that ultimately make communities dependent on capital. Collective water rights are damaged by the state by eliminating community involvement in it. Revenue from management is also not reinvested in local infrastructure development, but is instead diverted to the state treasury for national projects. Bureaucratic and market control driven by commercial interests is far from conservation and creates inequality at the grassroots level. From this practice, it is very possible that the rich can freely waste water while the poor have to bear the consequences. Thus, for Shiva, people's rights are a necessity in a democracy that demands accountability from the state and commercial interests to maintain collective water rights in the form of a decentralized democracy.
Compost Making Process
Fighting Eucalyptus Monoculture
In North Tapanuli, North Sumatra, there are two Indigenous Communities directly funded by the Nusantara Fund: the Sitonong Indigenous Community and the Ompu Bolus Simanjuntak Indigenous Community. Both face the same problem, so the initiative proposed is the same, namely planting woody plants for land restoration as well as water sources.
The problem faced by both communities is the existence of large-scale eucalyptus plantations for paper production. The area of forest land included in the plantation is 167.912 hectares. This area includes protected forests and the customary areas of the two communities concerned. The presence of the paper industry and eucalyptus monoculture plantations not only prevents Indigenous Peoples from accessing their customary areas, but also has a negative impact on the sustainability of nature and water sources there.
Publication on Journal of Pharmacognosy and Phytochemistry (June 2019) explains the negative impacts on nature behind the planting of eucalyptus which is known to grow quickly and meet the needs of the industry. The first negative impact, eucalyptus is known for its allelopathic properties that inhibit the growth of plants around it. Second, eucalyptus is also known to be able to adapt to water. In stressful situations, eucalyptus roots can grow 6-9 meters and absorb more water. The research also showed that a drilled well dug 1 km from a 2-hectare eucalyptus plantation recorded a decrease in water discharge of 35-42% from the initial discharge. Third, eucalyptus also has a negative impact on soil fertility. By weakening the activity of soil microbes, of course it also affects the growth and health of other plants planted close to the eucalyptus plantation.
The community has felt the real impact of the existence of eucalyptus plantations. In recent years, the North Tapanuli region has been hit by flash floods. One of the causes that can be seen is deforestation activities for eucalyptus planting. For Indigenous Peoples who depend on their livelihoods from tapping frankincense, they have to face a decrease in the quantity and quality of frankincense resin. The water quality in the Aek Nalas River is also starting to become murky. In fact, the community has consumed the river water as drinking water since long ago. Drought has also hit the community's agricultural fields.
In order to resolve the ecological problems caused by the eucalyptus plantation, both the Sitonong Indigenous Community and the Ompu Bolus Simanjuntak Indigenous Community chose the initiative of planting various woody plants that are considered capable of restoring soil fertility as well as water resources. The Sitonong Indigenous Community planted 350 andaliman seedlings, 500 aren seedlings, 2.500 coffee seedlings, and 10 candlenut trees on an area of 8 hectares. Initially, they planned to plant 4 thousand seedlings, but during the maintenance, many of the seedlings died. To reach the rehabilitation location, the Sitonong Indigenous Community had to travel approximately 2 hours from the settlement. The Ompu Bolus Simanjuntak Indigenous Community planted 17 thousand seedlings on an area of 20 hectares. The seedlings planted were diverse, including coffee, cloves, cinnamon, jengkol, and soursop. In addition to woody plants, they also obtained 300 kg of dryland rice seedlings and 4,5 kg of red bean seedlings to meet the community's food needs.
In addition to land rehabilitation, the planting initiative also provides a long breath for the struggle of those who are oppressed by the existence of the eucalyptus monoculture industry in North Tapanuli. The initiative also maintains the fire of collective spirit to preserve the heritage of their ancestors and pass it on to future generations.
Mangrove Planting – Pari Island
Protecting Coastal Water
In the context of water conservation, the mangrove forest ecosystem occupies a vital position for coastal areas. Mangrove leaves contribute to the regulation of the water cycle through the process of evapotranspiration. Seawater absorbed by the roots is then released back through the leaves, creating clouds and rainfall. Mangrove roots help filter pollutants and excess nutrients from water flow. In addition, mangrove roots also act as a natural barrier that prevents seawater from entering the groundwater layer. This process maintains the quality of coastal water and ensures the availability of fresh water in coastal areas.
Regarding water conservation initiatives in coastal areas, there are two communities funded by the Nusantara Fund. The first community is the Pari Island Care Forum (FPPP) in the Seribu Islands, DKI Jakarta. One of the initiatives proposed by FPPP is to build a mangrove nursery. The FPPP women's group directly handles the management of the nursery, starting from the planned activities to be implemented to the mangrove planting strategy. The FPPP women's group also promotes the planting of mangrove seedlings to tourists who come to visit. That way, tourists not only come to enjoy the beauty of nature, but also participate in conservation activities.
Pari Island itself has had to deal with ecological problems due to industrial extractive activities for years. As a result, since 2020, the people of Pari Island have often experienced sudden tidal floods that often come at night. Reclamation for the construction of tourist resorts has damaged coral reefs, seagrass beds, and mangroves on the islands in the Seribu Islands. Piles of plastic waste from excessive consumer behavior have also hit the island group. Freshwater sources on Pari Island have also been polluted due to the process of seawater intrusion. Not to mention the threat of eviction and expulsion of the people of Pari Island for tourism development projects. In fact, in early 2025 FPPP had to deal with a company that had an interest in the tourism business in the area. Mangrove seedlings planted by FPPP were damaged. Currently, they are trying to hold the company accountable for replanting the damaged mangrove seedlings.
The second community, the Sungai Cemara Village community in East Tanjung Jabung, Jambi, also felt the same impact of climate change. Since 2013-2015, rising sea levels have caused abrasion in the mangrove ecosystem in the eastern coastal area of Jambi. To avoid abrasion due to the loss of the mangrove forest ecosystem, the Sungai Cemara Village community was forced to move further inland and closer to the Berbak Sembilang National Park (TNBS) area. This choice certainly threatens the sustainability of TNBS, but the community also has no other choice and the local government has not responded well to the problem.
To overcome the damage to the mangrove area, the Sungai Cemara Village community is working on mangrove conservation through mapping programs, building nursery houses, and planting. Mapping activities provide the community with an overview of the area and condition of the mangrove forest in their area. In addition, with participatory mapping, the community is also able to break dependence on outside parties regarding knowledge and skills in mapping living spaces. From participatory mapping activities, there are 10 cadres from the community who are able to map critical mangrove ecosystem areas independently. Second, the nursery house built by the community has a capacity that can accommodate up to 5 thousand seedlings. Until their report was received by the Nusantara Fund, the Sungai Cemara Village community had planted 2 thousand mangrove seedlings on the east coast of Jambi. They also monitor and care for the planted seedlings to ensure that the seedlings grow well.